This is the fifth part of a guest post series by Nuno Gaspar de Oliveira who works as consultant and advisor in Esporão, a portuguese main wine and olive oil company, in the area of Strategic Management for sustainability using ‘Business Ecosystems’ models,
This guest post has previously been published on LinkedIn. It is the expression of the author’s thoughts and experiences and as such is acknowledged as a fruitful contribution to the discussion on biodiversity offsets. If you want to react or clarify your own position (underpin or disprove), please leave a reply below!
On April 20 1939, a woman that would forever be associated with the sustainability revolution was born in Oslo, Norway, Gro Harlem Brundtland. When she was 10 years old, the family moved to the United States where her father, a medical doctor, had been awarded a Rockefeller scholarship. Following his footsteps, she studied to become a medical doctor as well and concluded a Master of Public Health (MPH). So, her first choice of career was neither environmentalist nor politician, but political activism was already part of her way of life since very tender age, becoming a member of the Norwegian Labour Movement in its children’s section at age seven.
In 1965, after spending a few years in the US, she was back in Oslo to assume the position of Ministry of Health, but her enthusiasm and active commitment with wellbeing provided her with the opportunity to be offered the position of Minister of the Environment in 1974. Albeit reluctant at the beginning, her conviction of the link between health and the environment changed her mind. Her reputation and deeds gained such recognition that, in 1981, she was appointed Prime Minister for the first time, as the youngest person and the first woman ever to hold the office of Prime Minister in Norway.
But why are we analyzing the venerable career of Dr Bruntland? Well, she’s about to star in our story…
In 1983 the then United Nations Secretary-General invited her to establish and chair the World Commission on Environment and Development and in 1987, on the auspice of the UN General Assembly, the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED), Gro Harlem Bruntland, presented what would become widely known as the ‘Brundtland-Report’. This was a major landmark in terms of the international discussion in the political as well as the scientific field. The report ‘Our Common Future’opens with the chairman’s foreword stating:
“A global agenda for change” — this was what the World Commission on Environment and Development was asked to formulate.
When this report was published, the notion of sustainable development was not associated with the notion of ‘natural capital’ as understood in economic terms. Although the report refers to ‘the planet’s ecological capital’, it is mainly formulated in mere qualitative terms of needs, abilities and equity:
“Humanity has the ability to make development sustainable—to ensure that it meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.”
The ‘Bruntland Report’, as it was called since then, provided fundamental insights and recommendations on what regards the foundations for a post-modern view of sustainability and will forever represent a turning of the page in what considers the role of political leaders in pressuring the global agenda in terms of linking environment to governance and economics. Yet, something was still very illusive. The definition of natural capital was still largely undefined and loosely accounted for.
The ‘official’ contemporary economic formulation in terms of ‘natural capital’ was popularized by David Pearce and Kerry Turner (‘Economics of Natural Resources and the Environment’, 1990), precisely under the context of sustainable development.
These two economists argued that the maintenance of the natural capital stock is a sine qua non condition for sustainability, as pursued by Schumacher, Meadows, Bruntland and so on. By pointing out that ‘the resource stock should be held constant over time’, Pearce & Turner focused on the problematic of not having perfect information (something that classical economists love dearly) on how the biosphere works nor of its servicesregarding human life support and well-being. Restraining from eroding that which sustains us seemed perfectly logical, even in economic terms!
In a similar wavelength, in 1991, Michael Porter, an Harvard Business School researcher and a star on the rise to become one of the most influent business strategy thinkers, lead an essay on how adding some hurdles to the economic full throttle would in fact be good for the economic pace.Porter challenged the business world wisdom about the impact of environmental regulation by arguing in his essay ‘America’s Green Strategy’(1991) that well-designed regulation could actually increase competitiveness, known as ‘Porter’s (Green) Hypothesis’:
“Strict environmental regulations do not inevitably hinder competitive advantage against rivals; indeed, they often enhance it”
Until that time, the traditional view of environmental regulation, held by virtually all economists, was that requiring firms to reduce an externality like pollution necessarily restricted their options and thus by definition reduced their profits. After all, if profitable opportunities existed to reduce pollution, profit-maximizing firms would already be taking advantage of them.20 years later, this hypothesis still seems largely misunderstood by most businesses and corporations (Ambec et al., 2013)
The latter 25 years have been prodigal in research on natural capital’s importance to the economy and wellbeing, with multiple views on its role on the post-modern society and specially leveraging the consumerism spree that might have led us to a dire situation where we have finally come to realize that, like Galileo said, the world is round and yet it moves and as Copernicus insinuated, we are not the center of the universe.
Maybe one of the most significant ‘wake up calls’ came from the seminal work promoted by Robert Costanza, acclaimed in the 1997’s Nature paper ‘The Value of the World’s Ecosystem Services and Natural Capital’ (Costanza et al., 1997). The paper opens with a breath taking statement:
“The services of ecological systems and the Natural Capital stocks that produce them are critical to the functioning of the earth’s life support system. They contribute significantly to human welfare, both directly and indirectly, and therefore represent a significant portion of the total economic value of the planet. Because these services are not fully captured in markets or adequately quantified in terms comparable with economic services and manufactured capital, they are often given too little weight in policy decisions. This neglect may ultimatelycompromise the sustainability of humans in the biosphere. The economies of the earth would grind to a halt without the services of ecological life support systems, so in one sense their total value to the economy is infinite.”
Nevertheless, Costanza et al. dared to put a number in the Earth’s natural capital, stating that, by then, the economic value of 17 ecosystem services for 16 biomes, based on a synthesis of published studies and a few original calculations, the value (most of which is outside the market) was estimated to be in the range of $16 — 54 trillion/yr., with an average of $33 trillion/yr. Because of the nature of the uncertainties, this should be considered a minimum estimate. In 1997 the Global GNP is around $18 trillion/year…
But like Warren Buffett once (allegedly) stated, ‘Price is what you pay. Value is what you get’. And in this economy, where the value of natural capital is clearly understated, are we about to discover the price of our (in)action?
On the next and final chapter, natural capitalists and black swans lead the way to a brave new world…