This is the third part of a guest post series by Nuno Gaspar de Oliveira who works as consultant and advisor in Esporão, a portuguese main wine and olive oil company, in the area of Strategic Management for sustainability using ‘Business Ecosystems’ models,
This guest post has previously been published on LinkedIn. It is the expression of the author’s thoughts and experiences and as such is acknowledged as a fruitful contribution to the discussion on biodiversity offsets. If you want to react or clarify your own position (underpin or disprove), please leave a reply below!
In the aftershock of Malthus, Smith and Marx, inter alia, many early XXth century economist and political philosophers felt the need to find alternative scenarios for human development within the lands capacity to foster economic growth and welfare in an increasingly populated world.
One key concept to the acknowledgement of the importance of natural capital for the overall economy is the notion of ‘externalities’. The term was coined by the British economist Arthur Cecil Pigou in ’The Economics of Welfare’ (1920–1925), as an alternative for compensating the rebound effects of the economic activities on the social and environmental sphere:
“Wealth exists only for the benefit of mankind, it cannot be measured adequately in yards, not even as equivalent to so many ounces of gold; its true measure lies only in the contribution it makes to human well-being”
Understanding the concept of externalities is understanding one huge problem noted by the ‘father of modern ecology’, Eugene P. Odum. In his landmark book ‘Fundamentals of Ecology’ (1953), Odum mentioned the enormous contribution of natural capital, supplied free to human societies by natural ecosystems, as being commonly ignored, in part because of the difficulty of evaluating it in conventional economic terms. According to him,money flows out of urban areas to pay for energy, goods, and human services, but natural ecosystem services are not accounted for.
A major breakthrough was needed.
But before (and during) Odum’s insights, in the realm of economic and political thinking, from John Maynard Keynes (e.g., ‘The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money’, 1935) to Friedrich Hayek (e.g., ‘The Road to Serfdom’, 1944) there was a major turmoil recalling a new role for politics, philosophy and natural sciences contributions to economics.
Following Pigou and the ‘Cambridge School’, the ‘Austrian School’, rationality and utility were becoming the new stars in heaven for policy makers and the ‘Neoclassical Economy’ took off, guided by authors like Paul Samuelson(e.g., ‘Foundations of Economic Analysis’, 1947), Milton Friedman (e.g., ‘Capitalism and Freedom’, 1962) and William Nordhaus (e.g., ‘Invention, Growth and Welfare: A Theoretical Treatment of Technological Change’, 1969), inter alia.
More than a century later, in a post “Malthus/Smith” world, in the outcome of the reforms consequent to the industrial revolution and the advent of theAmerican consumerism, it became clear to some that there were some limitations to the post “Marshall-Marxian-Ricardian” view on thetransformation of capitals and subsequent capacity of land to provide unlimited rent in a world under increasing pressure.
This need to integrate externalities, capitalism, welfare, population growth and technological transformation was very well captured byRobert Sollow. In his highly acclaimed essays ‘A Contribution to the Theory of Economic Growth’ (1956) and ‘Technical Change and the Aggregate Production Function’ (1957), Solow remarked that the production function is homogeneous of first degree. This amounts to assuming no scarce non-augmentable resource like land. In his latter 1974 compendium ‘The Economics of Resources or the Resources of Economics’, Solow sums it up in a key sentence:
“If it is very easy to substitute other factors for natural resources, then there is, in principle, no problem. The world can, in effect, get along without natural resources, so exhaustion is just an event, not a catastrophe.”
Or is it?
In 1968, the ecologist Garrett Hardin explored this socioeconomic ‘Gordian knot’ tight up since the medieval times and aggravated by the 1950’s/60’s ‘capitalist acceleration’ in the acclaimed ‘The Tragedy of the Commons’, published in the journal ‘Science’:
The tragedy of the commons develops in this way. Picture a pasture open to all. It is to be expected that each herdsman will try to keep as many cattle as possible on the commons. Such an arrangement may work reasonably satisfactorily for centuries because tribal wars, poaching, and disease keep the numbers of both man and beast well below the carrying capacity of the land. Finally, however, comes the day of reckoning, that is, the day when the long-desired goal of social stability becomes a reality. At this point, the inherent logic of the commons remorselessly generates tragedy.
Hardin discussed problems that cannot be solved by technical means and focused on human population growth, the use of the Earth’s natural resources – natural capital — , and the welfare state. Some of the major outcomes of Hardin’s work were involved in quite a controversy by his interpretation on the use of population control methods, in a radical approach to the ideas of both Malthus and William Forster Lloyd (e.g., ‘Lectures on Population, Value, Poor Laws and Rent’, 1837), inter alia. But the revolutions within economics were far from over, and both natural capital and the Earth systems were about to get some major attention.
In 1970, a young Romenian-American economist literally increased the entropy in the current economic thinking. Nicholas Georgescu-Roegen’s ‘The Entropy Law and the Economic Process’ (1971) was a major breakthrough on theintegration of multiple disciplines in an effort to truly understand the vastness of the economic development processes.
In his opus magnum, Georgescu-Roegen made an attempt at extrapolation of thesecond law of thermodynamics (the entropy of an isolated system never decreases, because isolated systems spontaneously evolve toward thermodynamic equilibrium) to explain man’s overuse of natural resources, i.e. material entropy tends to a maximum.
The ideas of Georgescu-Roegen ‘entropy hourglass’ echoed in some ‘neoclassical-born’ economists that were now dealing thoroughly with both physical and ecological concepts, in search of better explanations for ‘the limits to growth’.
Following this new wave of ‘cross-pollination’, and inspired by scientists likeJames Lovelock (who later co-wrote ‘The Gaia Hypothesis’ with Lynn Margulis, 1974) and Odum, inter alia, one particular economist emerged with a quite revolutionary idea definitely placing natural capital at the very core of the economy…
To be continued…